| ISSN 1364-7016 |
| Bulletin 11 July 1999 |
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TAYWATCH THE TAY REGION RESEARCH OBSERVATORY
GEDDES CENTRE FOR PLANNING RESEARCH |
Welcome to the latest issue of TAYWATCH.
Welcome to the latest issue of TAYWATCH. Just as political and constitutional change continues to prompt further adaptation of policy and institutional activity, so too does the regional debate. It is now very evident that the time has come for politicians and policy makers to recognise that the Scottish economy comprises a network of smaller regional areas. Each regional economic locality - be it a city region or rural locality - has very distinctive historical, cultural and socio-economic and environmental circumstances, experiences and pressures. Now is the time to examine the structural and locational position of each region and to put in place an appropriate planning and management framework. The McIntosh Commission has put forward ideas for local government but the most important step forward must be to reconcile ongoing economic processes, community stability and environmental sustainability with administrative structures and cultures.
TAYWATCH sees its role in raising issues for debate within the Tay Region and in relation to the broader Scottish and European agenda. To reflect this, TAYWATCH introduces a reflective essay section in this issue. This addresses the issues facing city regions within a European context. It provides a broader context to the more familiar contents of TAYWATCH.
W Edgar, G Kingdom and M G Lloyd
This section provides abstracts and publication
details of research papers published by staff in Town and Regional Planning
at the University of Dundee. The abstracts document the findings of research studies that
are of relevance to land use planning, environmental management and economic development
generally and particularly for debates in the Tay region. These specific abstracts have a
European theme and show how appropriate experience in the Tay region is to the European
context. The abstracts indicate where the original papers may be obtained for more detailed
reading. Jackson T and Roberts P (1999) Ecological modernisation as a model for
regional development: the changing nature and context of the Eastern Scotland Structural
Fund Programme. Journal of Environmental Policy and Planning 1, 61 - 75. This paper assesses evidence of an ecological modernisation approach to the
promotion of regional and spatial cohesion throughout the European Union Structural Funds.
It reviews the key concepts of ecological modernisation and illustrates how ecological
modernisation has become the EU’s operational paradigm for implementing sustainable
development. It draws on the example of the current Eastern Scotland Single Programming
Document to investigate the processes by which attempts are being made to incorporate
this approach into spatial initiatives on as systematic basis. It is evident that the
stage of development within the UK Single Programming Documents lags behind best practice
Member States in several respects, not least in the establishment of robust environmental
review and monitoring procedures. The analysis of the Eastern Scotland Single Programming
Document indicates that UK Structural Fund Programme Monitoring Committees have yet to
identify the appropriate regulatory space for the delivery of environmental initiatives
compatible with the current EU Environmental Action Plan. Danson MW*, Fairley J**, Lloyd MG and Turok I*** (1999) The European
Structural Fund Partnerships in Scotland: New forms of governance for regional development?
Scottish Affairs 27, 23 - 40. There are currently seven Structural Fund partnerships
in Scotland: Objective 1 (Highlands and Islands), Objective 2 for areas of industrial decline
(East and West Central Belt) and Objective 5b for rural development (Dumfries and Galloway,
Borders, rural Stirling and upland Tayside, North and West Grampian). Some 85% of the Scottish
population live within these designated areas. The Scottish partnerships are innovative in
terms of the degree of decentralisation from the Scottish Office and the use of regional
partnerships as a means of allocating the available resources within an inclusive framework.
Within the spirit of consultation and collaboration which is encouraged by the European Union,
the regional partnerships have provided a unique basis for inter-organisational communication
and co-operation at a broad spatial scale. There are variations between the partnerships
reflecting regional circumstances and institutional capacity but the regional bodies have
established themselves as an important part of the institutional infrastructure for economic
development in Scotland. This paper documents the findings of a research study into the
operation of the European Structural Fund Partnerships in Scotland which was conducted by
the collaborating authors for Scotland Europa in 1997. TAYWATCH 8 last reported population estimates and change for the period 1996-1997. Figures 1 and 2 below update this information for the period 1997-1998. Figure 1 Components of Change; 1997-1998
Services for Homeless People |
About the Research Centres
Research Notes
** University of Strathclyde
*** University of Glasgow
Services for Homeless People |
About the Research Centres
POPULATION
|
Area |
Estimated Population June 1997 |
Births |
Deaths |
Estimated1 Net Civilian Migration |
Other2 Changes |
Estimated Population June 1998 |
Net Change 1997-1998 |
||
|
Number |
Percentage | ||||||||
|
Angus |
110230 |
1223 |
1261 |
-22 |
-100 |
110070 |
-160 |
-0.1 |
|
|
Dundee City |
148920 |
1677 |
1910 |
-1997 |
0 |
146690 |
-2230 |
-1.5 |
|
|
Fife |
348400 |
3783 |
3887 |
454 |
150 |
348900 |
500 |
0.1 |
|
|
Perth & Kinross |
133250 |
1437 |
1641 |
-6 |
0 |
133040 |
-210 |
-0.2 |
|
|
Scotland |
5122500 |
58012 |
58527 |
-1917 |
-68 |
5120000 |
-2500 |
0.0 |
|
Source: General Register Office for Scotland, Crown Copyright 1999
1 includes movements to/from armed forces
2 includes changes in the number of armed forces stationed in Scotland
Figure 2 Estimated Population by age group, land area and population density;
30 June 1998
|
Age Group |
Scotland % |
Angus % |
Dundee City % |
Fife % |
Perth & Kinross % |
|
0-4 |
5.9 |
5.8 |
5.8 |
5.8 |
5.4 |
|
5-14 |
12.7 |
12.8 |
12.3 |
13.0 |
12.5 |
|
15-29 |
19.9 |
18.6 |
20.2 |
19.2 |
17.2 |
|
30-44 |
23.0 |
21.0 |
21.7 |
22.4 |
21.1 |
|
45-59 |
18.2 |
19.7 |
17.2 |
18.7 |
19.9 |
|
60-64 |
5.0 |
5.2 |
5.4 |
5.0 |
5.5 |
|
65-74 |
8.6 |
9.1 |
9.9 |
8.8 |
9.9 |
|
75 & over |
6.7 |
7.7 |
7.5 |
7.0 |
8.3 |
|
All ages (no) |
5120000 |
110070 |
146690 |
348900 |
133040 |
|
Area (sq km) |
78133 |
2181 |
65 |
1323 |
5311 |
|
Person per sq km |
66 |
50 |
2252 |
264 |
25 |
Source: General Register Office for Scotland, Crown Copyright 1999
TAYWATCH 8 last reported on the unemployment claimant counts for Travel to Work Areas (TTWAs). TTWAs are self-contained labour markets in which people both live and work. Since TAYWATCH 8, some of the TTWAs in the Tay region have changed. Figures 3 and 4 update this previous information and include comparative data for Scotland and the UK.
Figure 3 Unadjusted Unemployment Rates; as at May 1999
|
TTWA |
May-99 |
Apr-99 |
Change Apr-May |
May-98 |
Change May 98-99 |
|||
|
No |
Rate |
No |
No |
% |
No |
No |
% |
|
|
Arbroath |
959 |
9.0 |
1002 |
-43 |
-4.3 |
1062 |
-103 |
-9.7 |
|
Blairgowrie & Pitlochry |
468 |
3.9 |
501 |
-33 |
-6.6 |
519 |
-51 |
-9.8 |
|
Brechin & Montrose |
948 |
5.5 |
949 |
-1 |
-0.1 |
993 |
-45 |
-4.5 |
|
Crieff |
185 |
3.3 |
209 |
-24 |
-11.5 |
189 |
-4 |
-2.1 |
|
Dundee |
6330 |
6.9 |
6398 |
-68 |
-1.1 |
6577 |
-247 |
-3.8 |
|
Dunfermline |
3674 |
6.6 |
3761 |
-87 |
-2.3 |
3732 |
-58 |
-1.6 |
|
Forfar |
466 |
3.9 |
532 |
-66 |
-12.4 |
579 |
-113 |
-19.5 |
|
Kirkcaldy |
6098 |
8.6 |
6225 |
-127 |
-2.0 |
5798 |
300 |
5.2 |
|
North East Fife |
964 |
4.2 |
1009 |
-45 |
-4.5 |
914 |
50 |
5.5 |
|
Perth |
1401 |
3.7 |
1481 |
-80 |
-5.4 |
1499 |
-98 |
-6.5 |
|
Scotland |
134712 |
5.5 |
139006 |
-4294 |
-3.1 |
139682 |
-4970 |
-3.6 |
|
UK |
1275610 |
4.4 |
1320134 |
-44524 |
-3.4 |
1349377 |
-73767 |
-5.5 |
Source: Office for National Statistics (NOMIS)
Figure 4 Unadjusted Unemployment Rates; May 1998 - May 1999
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Source: Office for National Statistics (NOMIS)
In this issue we examine supported accommodation in the Tay region. Supported accommodation is defined as ‘housing and dwellings designated for the specific purpose of accommodating individuals requiring some form of support in order to live independently in the community’. The information comes from the SCOTSPEN national database system commissioned by Scottish Homes.
Figure 5 Number of bedspaces by client group and area, year to March 1998
|
Client Group |
Angus % |
Dundee City % |
Fife % |
Perth & Kinross % |
Scotland % |
|
Learning Disability |
39 |
13 |
31 |
19 |
26 |
|
Mental Health |
10 |
15 |
8 |
15 |
15 |
|
Frail Elderly |
18 |
28 |
20 |
50 |
20 |
|
Dementia |
- |
- |
- |
- |
1 |
|
Young Persons |
15 |
5 |
17 |
- |
10 |
|
Vulnerable Homeless |
16 |
11 |
1 |
- |
7 |
|
Single Parents |
- |
1 |
- |
- |
1 |
|
Disabled |
- |
- |
- |
- |
2 |
|
Multiple Handicaps |
4 |
4 |
1 |
2 |
1 |
|
Abused Women |
- |
9 |
- |
- |
2 |
|
Drug/Alcohol |
- |
- |
- |
- |
3 |
|
Ex-offenders |
- |
- |
1 |
- |
0 |
|
HIV/Aids |
- |
2 |
- |
- |
0 |
|
Other |
- |
12 |
20 |
14 |
10 |
|
Total Bedspaces (No) |
114 |
283 |
675 |
182 |
9220 |
Source: Joint Centre for Scottish Housing Research
Figure 6 Number of bedspaces by housing provider and area, year to March 1998
|
Housing Provider |
Angus % |
Dundee City % |
Fife % |
Perth & Kinross % |
Scotland % |
|
Housing Association |
45 |
74 |
58 |
31 |
53 |
|
Unitary Authority |
31 |
21 |
30 |
29 |
28 |
|
Scottish Homes |
- |
- |
- |
- |
1 |
|
Housing Manage. Co. |
- |
- |
- |
- |
0 |
|
Voluntary Organisation |
- |
- |
3 |
- |
7 |
|
Health Trust |
- |
- |
- |
- |
1 |
|
Private Sector |
7 |
1 |
- |
- |
1 |
|
Abbeyfields |
18 |
4 |
9 |
40 |
10 |
|
Total Bedspaces (No) |
114 |
283 |
675 |
182 |
9220 |
Source: Joint Centre for Scottish Housing Research
Figure 7 Number of bedspaces by project type and area, year to March 1998
|
Project type |
Angus % |
Dundee City % |
Fife % |
Perth & Kinross % |
Scotland % |
|
Hostel |
39 |
20 |
27 |
20 |
25 |
|
Very Sheltered |
- |
24 |
10 |
10 |
11 |
|
Staffed Group Home |
4 |
18 |
26 |
16 |
19 |
|
Shared House/Flat |
16 |
23 |
9 |
13 |
21 |
|
Non-shared House/Flat |
25 |
12 |
19 |
- |
14 |
|
Other |
18 |
4 |
9 |
40 |
10 |
|
Total Bedspaces (No) |
114 |
283 |
675 |
182 |
9920 |
Source: Joint Centre for Scottish Housing Research
Figure 8 Number of bedspaces by registration and area, year to March 1998
|
Registration |
Angus % |
Dundee City % |
Fife % |
Perth & Kinross % |
Scotland % |
|
Registered* |
43 |
25 |
29 |
41 |
44 |
|
Unregistered |
57 |
75 |
67 |
59 |
52 |
|
Part Registered |
- |
- |
4 |
- |
4 |
|
Total Bedspaces (No) |
114 |
283 |
675 |
182 |
9220 |
Source: Joint Centre for Scottish Housing Research
* Registered under the Social Work (Scotland) Act 1968
| Strategic Briefing |
Introduction
This essay examines the challenges facing post-industrial cities from a European Union (EU) perspective. The term post-industrial city can be taken to describe an urban area that no longer depends on manufacturing industry as the primary provider of jobs and wealth. Most urban areas have been affected in many ways by the rapid decline of the traditional manufacturing sector that has occurred during the past three decades. Almost 80% of the population of the EU live in urban areas. The reality is that the EU cannot afford to ignore the problems and opportunities that are associated with post-industrial cities. It is also important to acknowledge that the requirements of post-industrial cities are likely to impinge on many aspects of European and domestic urban and regional policy. Thus, the priorities of policy in post-industrial cities reflect the broader agenda of spatial transformation and management that can be seen across the EU. Priorities vary from city to city, but in general they include the linked improvement of the economy and the built environment, environmental enhancement and the promotion of social cohesion and inclusion. In short, planning and managing the post-industrial city can be seen as both the purpose and the product of a blend of EU and domestic policies that are aimed at the achievement of sustainable development.
From an EU perspective the political commitment to, and actual investment in, post-industrial cities is already substantial. In recent years regional and other programmes have been adjusted and re-defined in order that they may better address the problems of towns and cities. In addition, discussion has focused on questions such as the formation of an urban agenda and the introduction of a specific urban competence into the Treaty. A substantial proportion of UK Structural Funds expenditure has taken place in urban areas. In addition, a wider debate has been stimulated on the construction of EU urban policy and this has resulted in the examination of the ways in which this can be best incorporated into the new local and regional arrangements that have emerged in the UK.
Structural Funds
Although in the past the Structural Funds budget was frequently considered by many local partners to be just another source of funding that could be deployed in support of urban restructuring and regeneration, in recent years the opportunity to prepare and implement an integrated and comprehensive programme of action at city or regional level has been regarded in a more positive manner. An increasing proportion of the regional programmes that are developed through the preparation of Single Programming Documents (SPDs) can be considered to be products of a wider set of interrelated planning processes, rather than as 'stand alone' documents. In Scotland, for example, this gradual move towards a 'single territorial plan' (or programme) approach can be seen in the adoption of the 'community planning' model, whilst in England the closer integration of EU and domestic policies and programmes is an important element of the reforms that are currently taking place with regard to the structure and organisation of regional planning and development. Even though the existing SPDs were prepared under a system that discouraged the adoption of a territorial integration perspective, the fact remains that many of the current Objective 1 and Objective 2 programmes are considered in practice to represent elements in a wider set of actions, rather than as the outputs of a separate policy system. This reflects the increasing level of local ownership and control that has characterised the evolution of partnership management arrangements in recent years. The financial contribution made by the EU to the restructuring of the UK's old industrial regions and cities is considerable. Above these financial benefits, cities and regions have gained in other ways, especially during an era when official UK urban and regional policy offered little support for long-term strategic thinking and action. Looking to the future evolution of the Structural Funds, it is apparent that for a number of areas the non-financial benefits of participation in the regional programmes are likely to prove to be more enduring than the financial benefits; this reflects the experience of the past when such benefits emerged in support of the revival of strategic planning in the UK. This is especially the case in those areas that cease to be eligible for assistance. However, even the loss of assisted status does not imply that an area will be excluded from participation in EU-funded projects and programmes, or from a range of non-financial networks and information services.
Spatial Policy
A second EU policy area that is of considerable potential significance for the post-industrial city has emerged during the past decade. This new policy area reflects the growth of political and operational concerns regarding the future spatial form, organisation and cohesion of Europe. Europe 2000 was prepared in order to stimulate debate on a number of issues related to the spatial implication of economic, social and environmental change, including the diminishing ties between some urban areas and traditional economic activities and the difficulties experienced in such areas during the process of restructuring. Following the publication of the Europe 2000 report, a series of transnational studies was undertaken in order to provide a better understanding of a number of spatial and associated policy issues. The publication of Europe 2000+ took this further forward by providing support for the balanced development of the urban system. The most recent phase of spatial policy has seen the preparation of the European Spatial Development Perspective (ESDP), the latest version of which was agreed in Glasgow in June 1998. It emphasised the achievement of social inclusion and the reduction of polarisation in cities, the promotion of co-operation both between cities and between urban and rural areas, the desirability of encouraging and supporting sustainable development and the need to focus on the problems of preserving and restoring urban heritage.
Environment and Sustainable Development
The third element of EU policy to be considered is concerned with environment and sustainable development. European Union environment policy has moved forward through a series of action programmes, the latest of which has extended the traditional area of concern in order to encompass the wider sustainable development agenda. The Fifth Action Programme on the Environment has promoted a series of policies that are of direct relevance for post-industrial cities, including measures on air quality, water management, land-use, noise, transport and the protection of the natural environment. The European Commission has recently promoted a series of initiatives that extend the scope and application of environment policy. It is apparent that the strengthening of policy related to environment and sustainable development is coincident with many of the priorities associated with the planning and regeneration of post-industrial cities. For example, many traditional urban areas already possess an existing framework of public transport that can be modernised and extended in order to ensure the provision of environmentally sound transport. For the post-industrial city, EU sustainable development policy provides a solid foundation for future progress.
Urban Competence
The steady progress of urban policy has allowed for a series of experiments under a variety of competencies, including employment, sustainable development, social issues and economic activity. In June 1997 the Commission published 'Towards an Urban Agenda in the European Union' which indicated a strengthening of political support for a specific EU urban competence to be introduced. There is now a considerable body of EU policy that addresses the problems of the post-industrial city and which can be used in support of development efforts.
Looking Forward
It is likely that the EU urban policy agenda will continue to be discharged through existing policy measures and by working through member states in order to influence the structure and content of urban actions. In the short to medium term, this suggests that post-industrial cities (and towns) will have to continue to work within the framework provided by the Structural Funds programmes in order to promote and fund their restructuring activities. There are, of course, many other accompanying and associated measures that can be mobilised in support of restructuring from the social, environmental, cultural and infrastructure aspects of EU policy. However, the achievement of a full urban competence is not far away, although securing a budget to support the EU's aspirations in the urban field may prove to be more difficult than agreeing the need for such a competence or specifying the targets of policy.
PW Roberts
Peter Roberts holds the Chair of European Strategic Planning, University of Dundee and is Chair - Designate of the Town and Country Planning Association. This essay is a summary of a paper presented at the Town and Country Planning Association Conference, held in Glasgow in May 1999.
| SERVICES FOR HOMELESS PEOPLE |
Introduction
This study draws on research conducted in all the member states to examine the nature of innovation in service provision for homeless people in Europe. Innovation occurs partly in response to changes in the nature of homelessness, to shifts in the perception of homelessness as a problem of social exclusion and to changes in the relationship between the public sector, the purchaser or enabler, and the voluntary sector, which is frequently the provider of services.
European Trends in Homelessness
Based on the evidence of homelessness trends throughout Europe, the problems of homelessness or housing exclusion are proving to be persistent and resistant to historic or traditional solutions. There is little doubt that homelessness has grown in the member states since the early 1980s, but there is an absence of reliable or consistent data on the true extent of the problem. FEANTSA (the European body representing homelessness agencies) suggests that almost two million people in a given year rely on public or voluntary services for shelter and a further one million stay with friends and relatives or in short term private accommodation. There has been a change in the demographic composition of the people using services for homeless people. Those aged between 20 and 39 account for about half of those receiving homelessness services. It is suggested that the proportion of women in the homeless population is rising throughout the European Union (EU).
The Policy Framework: Governance and Responsibility
Within the context of social welfare reform, de-institutionalisation and demographic changes there has been a shift in the nature of responsibility for homelessness within Europe. The restructuring of welfare and social systems that have taken place throughout the European Union in response to an emergent understanding of homelessness as a facet of social exclusion indicate a common response. Most prominent has been the retreat of the state from the direct provision of welfare services and the assumption of an enabling and regulatory role. No less prominent - and paralleling the changing role of the state - has been the re-emergence of voluntary agencies or non-governmental organisations as alternative providers of welfare and services for homeless people. In those countries characterised by relatively limited welfare regimes the enhanced role of voluntary agencies has been no less marked, responding to new and increasing demands. New, innovative forms of service provision, which vary between different welfare systems, have emerged.
Approaches to Homelessness in Europe
There has been a shift from a focus on remedial treatment and control to responses aimed at prevention and reintegration or inclusion. Other policy shifts indicate an increasing recognition of the multi-dimensional nature of homelessness, the societal basis of the problem, the need to link housing and support and the recognition of homelessness as a facet of social exclusion.
In Italy, the debate on homelessness has focused on the 'senza dimora' (people of no abode) for whom, it is argued, the absence of housing constitutes one aspect of a wider syndrome of exclusion. The implication for responses to homelessness is that they need to recognise the multi-dimensional nature of the problem and the fact that it is, at least in part, a result of a process of social discrimination. In Finland, the term homeless people (koditon) is seldom used and the Finnish term 'asunnoton' (literally meaning 'houseless' people) was deliberately introduced in administration and policy in the 1970s. The concept implies that a person should be helped directly by the provision of housing and other social benefits and thus has a normative policy connotation. The term homeless, on the other hand, reflects the view that the person has no established relationships - 'no one to take care of them'.
In Germany, traditional attitudes to homeless people are still reflected in administrative and legal responsibilities. Thus, although today homelessness is recognised as a structural problem of poverty and lack of housing. The Federal Welfare Act distinguishes between people without a settled way of living, who remain the responsibility of federal welfare institutions, and other homeless people who are the responsibility of the municipalities.
In Austria homelessness has been recognised as a social problem relatively recently and was, until changes in the legislation in 1974, termed 'non-residency' or vagrancy and treated as a criminal act under police laws.
In France, Luxembourg and Belgium homelessness has been understood within the dimensions of social exclusion since the 1970s and services have been designed to respond to the global needs of the individual with an emphasis on re-integration or 'reinsertion'.
In the United Kingdom, policy responses have, until recently, been structured around the statutory definition of homelessness, while research has consistently emphasised that changes in the supply of and access to housing have been the principal causes of homelessness. Thus, there is an apparent dissonance between the research and policy debates and the administrative policy responses which have not been focused on a philosophy of re-integration.
Innovation in Homelessness Services
There are different forms of innovation in service provision at the strategic, organisational and operational level. At the strategic level, a number of countries in the European Union (including Germany, the Netherlands and France) have invested in pilot programmes with the specific aim of developing new approaches to the problems of homelessness and poor housing. These programmes have been funded variously through social welfare, urban regeneration and housing budgets. At the organisational level, new service structures are emerging and services are being developed which link housing and support services as well as housing and employment. Examples are cited in Spain, Austria, Germany and Italy. At the implementation level, practice is changing to promote more flexible and individualised services while at the same time providing these within the framework of a negotiated contract between the provider and the service user.
Conclusion
The provision of services for homeless people has been evolving in all European countries in a manner which is typified by a shift from large-scale institutional accommodation and services toward the small-scale and individualised assistance. It has been claimed that this has been associated with a shift from remedial, emergency and treatment based services towards preventative approaches. This change has, in turn, resulted in a move from segmented services to more integrated forms of intervention. Latterly an increasing emphasis on re-integration programmes has become evident. These shifts in the form and nature of service provision for homeless people have occurred within the context of changes in social welfare structures which are radically re-shaping the external environment in which the organisations providing services for homeless people are operating. Examples have been incorporated in this paper to illustrate the nature of innovation in services addressing homelessness that are being driven by these changes. They also reflect the need to: develop a re-integration approach, deal with the multi-dimensional facets of homelessness, and to develop an individualised and negotiated approach to service implementation.
W Edgar, J Doherty and A Mina-Coull
Bill Edgar, Joe Doherty, Amy Mina-Coull are with the Joint Centre for Scottish Housing Research. They act as research co-ordinators of the European Observatory on Homelessness on behalf of FEANTSA. Their book ‘Services for Homeless People: Innovations and Changes in Europe’ was published by Policy Press, Bristol in July 1999.